At the same time, the masculinities literature has largely ignored the issue of age ( Calasanti, 2004a Slevin & Linneman, 2010), due in part from a failure to theorize masculinity across the life span or across time ( Spector-Mersel, 2006). Gerontologists, however, have rarely grappled with how cultural ideals of masculinity or inequalities between men shape men’s experiences of aging ( Calasanti, 2004b Calasanti & King, 2005 van den Hoonaard, 2007). Embodiment experiences may be particularly distressing for aging men ( Twigg, 2004), given that cultural ideals of masculinity emphasize the importance of bodily control, independence, and mastery ( Loe, 2004 Messner, 2002). Thus, in this article we draw on theoretical insights from critical gerontology and masculinities theory to examine how cultural discourses of aging (specifically, an ideology of midlife decline) shape midlife men’s experiences of embodiment in ways that are similar and/or different for heterosexual and gay midlife men. Embodiment refers to “conscious lived experiences of the body” (i.e., how individuals feel, think, and talk about their bodies) ( Komesaroff, 1995, p.
The concept of “age relations” ( Calasanti, 2003) highlights the fact that age intersects with other social statuses, such as gender, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity to shape not only individuals and groups’ access to power and resources but also their experiences of embodiment ( Calasanti & Slevin, 2001 Gill, Henwood, & McLean, 2005 Lodge & Umberson, 2012 Slevin, 2010). It is not clear how cultural discourses, such as an “ideology of midlife decline,” ( Gullette, 1998) actually shape midlife individuals’ lived experiences of their bodies, nor is it clear if or how this may differ across social groups. Taken together, these findings point to the importance of increasing our understanding of how diverse social groups experience their bodies at midlife.įew empirical studies, however, have examined how individuals experience their aging bodies ( Calasanti & Slevin, 2001 2006 Twigg, 2000). In turn, numerous studies demonstrate that marital strain contributes to both psychological distress and poorer physical health ( Prouix, Helms, & Buehler, 2007 Umberson, Williams, Powers, Liu, & Needham, 2006). Recent research suggests that heterosexual, married midlife individuals experience distress over bodily changes that can undermine their sexual relationships and that this sometimes causes marital conflict and misunderstanding ( Lodge & Umberson, 2012). Embodied experiences may also affect intimate relationships. For example, midlife adults may experience psychological distress if they believe that their bodies do not meet cultural ideals ( McLaren & Kuh, 2004) or they may physically push their bodies beyond reasonable limits in order to avoid feeling “middle-aged,” as Slevin (2010) found in a study of later life men (men age 60 and older). In this context, midlife individuals’ experiences of their bodies have important implications for mental and physical well-being. At the same time, ageism has emerged as an embodied form of oppression ( Calasanti & Slevin, 2006 Laws, 1995): Western culture worships youthfulness and youthful bodies ( Calasanti & Slevin, 2006), frames both mid and later life bodies as characterized by decline in terms of youthful energy, vitality, virility and physical attractiveness ( Gullette, 1998 Marshall & Katz, 2002), and emphasizes that individuals have a personal, moral responsibility to prevent physical decline (in terms of health, functionality, and appearance) ( Gott, 2005 Hurd Clarke, Griffin, & The PACC Research Team, 2008 Katz & Marshall, 2003). Bodily functioning and appearance have become increasingly important for individual identity and social and moral worth in Western societies ( Calasanti & Slevin, 2001 Giddens, 1991 Shilling, 2012 Turner, 1996).